2012年，那是一个龙年。
那年12月，党的十八大产生的新一届中央领导集体通过了《关于改进工作作风、密切联系群众的有关规定》，至今已经过去十三年，一轮生肖后的蛇年已接近尾声，马年的钟声都即将敲响。
在这十三年里，八项规定给国内政治生态带来的变化肉眼可见：
Thirteen years have passed since the Communist Party of China introduced a code to promote self-discipline and enforce strict governance in December 2012, shortly after Xi Jinping was elected general secretary of the CPC Central Committee.
The concise yet powerful Eight-Point Regulation, aimed at improving Party and government conduct and curbing bureaucracy, extravagance and corruption, has since become an important cornerstone of modern Chinese governance.
Over the past decade, the Eight-Point Regulation has reshaped the work style of officials, strengthened discipline within the Party, and, according to both domestic and foreign observers, changed the social behavior of officials in China. What began as a list of behavioral rules for leading officials has evolved into a prevailing spirit and a commitment to discipline and responsibility among all Party members.
2016年以来，全国纪检监察机关共查处群众身边不正之风和腐败问题220.9万个，给予党纪政务处分183万人，移送检察机关7.3万人。相信每天刷视频号、公众号、微博抖音快手的读者们也都知道，动辄就有各级官员落马，反腐成了大小官员都不敢随意触碰的高压线，据二十届中纪委四次全会工作报告披露，直到2024年全国还有2.5万人主动投案。
但腐败不是中国独有的问题，反腐也是全球都要面临的艰巨任务。无论中外，八项规定都是现代国家治理学科的重要研究对象，其铁腕治腐的成就和刀刃向内的勇气更是多位学者重点关注的课题。
As corruption scandals trouble many parts of the world, domestic and foreign scholars and observers have begun examining the regulation's meaning beyond the Chinese context, and see it as part of China's broader contribution to global governance and a model of institutional self-reform.
老外惊呼：
中国的党纪连官员吃饭都管得住！
中国人民大学重阳金融研究院高级研究员罗思义（John Ross）在接受我们专访时就表示，“这一规则（八项规定）清楚地表明了中国在应对腐败问题上的做法，与西方制度中缺乏此类机制形成了鲜明对比。”
在他看来，八项规定及2017年出台的实施细则一个十分突出的特点是，不仅涵盖诸如多调研、密切联系群众等重大问题，而且具体规范了领导干部的公务用餐、公务出行等具体细节，这个特点反映出与西方在执政党内部纪律治理思路上的根本差异。
长期来华活动的他，观察到八项规定以后一个很有意思的现象，那就是公务宴请活动明显减少、出行规定趋紧、公务礼仪也更加简化，而这一切都是八项规定立竿见影的效果。
"The regulation clearly shows the difference between China's approach to dealing with corruption and the absence of such mechanisms in the Western system," John Ross, a senior fellow at the Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies, Renmin University of China, told China Daily.
"It's enough to look at how China’s rules extend from major issues down to details such as official meals and business trips to see the complete difference in approach."
Ross was referring to the details of the Party’s disciplinary measures. In the early years following the adoption of the regulation they were often discussed in the context of lifestyle changes among officials — banquets were reduced, travel policies tightened, and protocol simplified.
“八项规定能管官员生活”，这也是西方媒体和学者都关注的点。早在2014年，也就是八项规定出台一年多之后，英国广播公司（BBC）的报道指出：“八项规定的一些直接效果包括：高档月饼逐渐消失，高端香烟和烈酒价格大幅下降，以及风景名胜区和历史文化区域内大量会所和高档餐厅的关闭。”
而在英国诺丁汉大学2019年一篇博士学位论文中，作者以深圳为例，已经开始探讨八项规定的成就了：
“违反八项规定的案件数量持续下降，表明干部更加重视整治‘四风’问题，并更加注重自身的日常行为规范，这可以被视为重塑公众对政府信任、推进反腐斗争的一个良好开端。”
A 2019 doctoral thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham described several direct outcomes of the policy.
"Some immediate impacts of the Eight-Point Regulation include the disappearance of luxurious mooncakes, a steep drop in the prices of high-end cigarettes and spirits, and the closure of many clubhouses and upscale restaurants in scenic and historic areas," the author noted, citing BBC reports.
"Following this trend, the number of violations of the Eight-Point Regulation has been reducing dramatically."
以小见大，罗思义指出，八项规定铁腕治腐的背后是中国共产党杰出的社会治理能力。他还特意提到，这一结论在他的新书《百年大变局：中国与世界》中也有记载，他有足够的自信自己的论断经得起时间的检验。
Ross, citing his new book Profound Changes Unseen in a Century: The World and China, pointed out that the CPC's excellent governance ability had made this possible.
治腐败需要刚性的制度，
更需要刚性的执行
北京师范大学马克思主义学院副院长、教授杨增岽的关注点不太一样。在他看来，八项规定的成功不仅在于定下了严格的制度与规矩，更在于严格且持续地执行。
杨增岽在接受《中国日报》采访时指出：“严明的纪律是中国共产党反腐败取得成效的关键。与所谓的‘权力分立’模式相比，真正遏制腐败的不是权力在形式上的分散，而是规则的权威以及执行规则的能力。”
他表示，八项规定最初主要针对高级领导干部，但此后已逐步扩展至全体党员和公职人员，体现了这一制度的成熟性。
“刚出台时，它的重点是约束领导层的行为，”杨增岽说，“但随着时间推移，这一规定不仅没有弱化，反而不断演进和强化。如今，在‘八项规定精神’的理念下，它覆盖的对象更加广泛，并持续指导着干部如何与公众互动。”
杨增岽强调，中国共产党长期坚持落实八项规定，展现出一种独特的自我治理能力：“在一个不断变化的世界中，党能够长期维持这样一套行之有效的制度安排，体现了坚定的决心和治理能力。并不是世界上每一个政治组织都能够开展这种持续不断的自我纪律教育。”
Yang Zengdong, vice-dean of the School of Marxism at Beijing Normal University, said the success of the Eight-Point Regulation lies in its disciplined implementation rather than in its words alone.
"Strong discipline is the key to the CPC’s success in combating corruption,” Yang said in an interview with China Daily. "Compared with the so-called 'partition of power' model, what truly curbs corruption is not the mere separation of authority, but the power of rules and the ability to enforce them."
Yang said while the regulation initially targeted senior officials, it has since expanded to apply to all Party members and government employees, reflecting its "institutional maturity".
"When it was first issued, it was meant to restrain the behavior of top leaders," he said. "But over time, it has evolved and strengthened rather than weakened. Today, it governs a much broader group under the concept known as the 'spirit of the Eight-Point Regulation', and this spirit continues to guide how officials interact with the public."
He emphasized that the CPC’s enduring commitment to the regulation demonstrates a unique capacity for self-governance.
"In a world undergoing constant changes, the Party's ability to sustain such an effective and long-term institutional framework shows both determination and capability," Yang said. "Not every political organization in the world can conduct this kind of continuous self-discipline education."
杨增岽的这一看法，在某种程度上反映了国内学界和舆论界对于腐败认识的变迁。曾几何时，英国阿克顿勋爵的名言“绝对的权力导致绝对的腐败”被很多学者奉为经典，但随着我国社会科学的不断发展，人们对于腐败现象有了更深的认识，理解了其复杂的成因和背后社会治理的诸多问题，并更多从社会治理失败的角度去理解腐败。
为什么美国国会里有那么多
“史密斯专员”？
由此，西方社会无法根除腐败的原因越发清晰。西式多党制民主能让多个党派轮流执政，但谁又能保证这些轮流执政的党派不会捞一把就走呢？反正又不用长久负责，四年后就换人了，不捞白不捞嘛！
罗思义对这点研究得十分透彻。他引用中共中央纪律检查委员会的数据显示，自2012年以来，已有数以万计的干部因违纪违法问题受到调查，但案件发生的总体频率持续下降，这表明我国反腐机制正在起效果。
相比之下的美国就显得有些凌乱了。基于其对西方社会的了解，罗思义举了大洋彼岸的例子：“美国国会的大多数议员都是百万富翁。他们在法律上被允许购买那些受到其所通过法律或所监督调查影响的公司股票。与此同时，企业还会花费数亿美元为他们的竞选活动提供资金支持。”
这是有根据的——根据事实核查网站PolitiFact.org的一份报告，2020年美国大约一半的立法者都坐拥百万美元以上的财产，而普通公众中这一比例仅约为1%。
西方人罗思义对此的看法是：“西式民主一直与逐利行为和腐败现象相伴而生。企业和个人经常通过金钱捐助来换取政治上的好处。”
Data from the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the CPC shows that tens of thousands of officials have been investigated for violations since 2012, but the overall frequency of cases has steadily declined, indicating that deterrence and self-restraint have taken root.
Ross contrasted China’s system with that of the United States.
"The majority of members of the US Congress are millionaires," he said. "They are legally allowed to purchase shares in companies affected by the laws they pass or the investigations they oversee. Meanwhile, corporations spend hundreds of millions of dollars funding their campaigns."
In 2020, approximately half of US lawmakers were millionaires, compared with only about 1 percent of the general public, according to a PolitiFact.org report.
"The Western form of democracy has always been linked to moneymaking and corruption," Ross said. "Companies and individuals frequently receive favors in exchange for financial contributions."
他信手拈来一个在美国舆论场上影响极大的案例。据报道，美国最高法院大法官克拉伦斯·托马斯在二十多年的时间里接受了来自德州亿万富翁、共和党捐赠人哈兰·克劳提供的奢华旅行套餐，包括私人飞机出行和一次价值超过50万美元的印尼九天游艇之旅。
“当连司法机关都被视为与金钱紧密相连时，很难再说西方民主制度能够防止腐败，”罗思义表示，甚至连美国总统职位本身也已成为大规模筹款活动的平台。
腐败丑闻也时不时震动欧洲。荷兰广播公司NH报道，阿姆斯特丹一名市政工作人员在十月中旬被指控贪污，而且在全国至少95起暴力事件中存在共谋行为。据称，该工作人员向信息中介出售机密数据，中介再将其交给负责袭击和爆炸的犯罪团伙。
这个故事告诉我们，腐败不仅要老百姓的钱，还要老百姓的命。
在立陶宛，自由运动党前领导人因接受MG Baltic财团高管的贿赂，于2023年被定罪。当地媒体讽刺称这是“老式腐败案件”，因为立陶宛国家反贪机构在他家中和车内共发现了24.2万欧元的现金，而欧洲查处的很多腐败分子早已进化了版本，通过比特币收受贿赂了。
根据欧盟司法合作机构Eurojust的数据，2016年至2021年间，共登记了505起腐败案件，其中2016年为78起，2021年增至112起。分析人士指出，案件数量的增加在一定程度上反映了执法力度的增强，但也显示出腐败在欧洲机构中具有持续的结构性特征。
He cited a series of examples that have stirred public debate in the US. Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, for example, reportedly accepted luxury trips over more than two decades from Texas billionaire and Republican donor Harlan Crow, including private jet flights and a nine-day yacht cruise in Indonesia worth over half a million dollars.
"When even the judiciary is seen as financially entangled, it becomes hard to argue that Western democracy is a safeguard against corruption," Ross said, adding that the US presidency itself has become a platform for massive fundraising efforts. "It is only necessary to look at these facts to see that the claim that Western democracy prevents officials from profiting is false," he added.
Corruption scandals have also periodically shaken Europe. In the Netherlands, a municipal employee in Amsterdam was charged in mid-October with corruption and complicity in at least 95 violent incidents across the country, Dutch broadcaster NH reported. The employee allegedly sold confidential data to information brokers, who then passed it to criminal groups responsible for attacks and explosions, showing how breaches of integrity can directly threaten public safety.
In Lithuania, the former leader of the Liberal Movement party was convicted in 2023 for accepting bribes from an executive at the MG Baltic conglomerate. Local media mockingly described it as an "old-fashioned corruption case" because, unlike the more popular practice of accepting bribes via bitcoin, he was found by national anti-graft police to have 242,000 euros ($269,000) hidden in his home and car.
According to Eurojust, the EU agency for judicial cooperation, a total of 505 corruption cases were registered between 2016 and 2021, a sharp rise from 78 in 2016 to 112 in 2021. Analysts note that while the growing number of cases partly reflects stronger enforcement, it also points to the persistent structural nature of corruption in European institutions.
赤裸裸的低级腐败
原汁原味的西方民主国家尚且如此，那些学了他们皮毛的西式民主国家的情况更加不难想象。国家发展和改革委员会国际合作中心研究员、以印度研究闻名的毛克疾表示，在那些没有相应文化支撑却采纳西式选举制度的国家，腐败往往更为普遍，比如他所研究的印度。
“在印度，腐败几乎成为日常生活的一部分，”毛克疾不无痛心地表示，“它表现为最基本的形式，比如贿选。理论上民主可以约束当权者，但在印度这样的欠发达经济体中，人们倾向于以很低的价格把自己手里的选票卖出去，以这种形式上台的当选者自然会通过腐败来收回成本。”
2013年，《今日印度》的一篇报道显示，在北方邦，“超过100个领取政府资金的机构只是纸面存在。”
Mao Keji, a research fellow at the National Development and Reform Commission's International Cooperation Center, known for his studies on India, said that countries adopting Western-style electoral systems without equivalent institutional culture often see corruption take different, sometimes more pervasive, forms.
"In India, corruption is almost part of daily life," Mao said. "It manifests in basic forms such as vote-buying. While democracy can theoretically restrain power, in underdeveloped economies, people tend to sell votes cheaply, and those who gain office then use it to recover their costs through corruption."
A 2013 India Today report revealed that in Uttar Pradesh state, "over 100 institutions receiving government funds existed only on paper".
“在整个南亚，许多以英国制度为模型的民主国家，通过选举并未减少腐败，”毛克疾补充道。“相比之下，新加坡虽不被视为西式民主，但却实现了全球公认的清廉高效治理。”
毛克疾进一步指出，从更深层次看，反腐败是国家治理能力的一部分。“通过《八项规定》等措施，中国有效遏制了贪腐，加强了治理能力，为完成‘十四五’规划（2021-2025年）并为下一个规划奠定基础创造了有利条件，”他说。
"Across South Asia, many democracies modeled on the British system have not reduced corruption through elections,” he added. “By contrast, Singapore, though not considered a Western-style democracy, has achieved globally recognized clean and efficient governance."
At a deeper level, Mao argued, anti-corruption is part of national governance capacity. "Through the Eight-Point Regulation and similar measures, China has effectively curbed graft, strengthened its governance, and created favorable conditions to complete the 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-25) while preparing the next," he said.
下一个五年计划也是德国学者沃尔夫拉姆·阿多尔菲（Wolfram Adolphi）的兴趣所在。
研究中国已有近四十年的他非常关注今年十月召开的中国共产党第二十届中央委员会第四次全体会议。他认为，这次会议是中国治理理念——纪律性、延续性和自我改革——在“十五五”规划（2026-2030年）中得到进一步体现的机会。
阿多尔菲在接受《中国日报》采访时表示：“在瞬息万变的世界中，中国无疑成为稳定的锚点。它得益于近50年来以长期规划和领导力为基础的稳健现代化进程。这种连续性在当今国际政治中十分罕见。”
他还指出，未来的治理不应被框定为制度之间的对抗，而应以互相学习为方向。
“未来应属于全人类共享，”他说。“世界所需要的不是制度竞争，而是对话、交流和共同进步。”
Wolfram Adolphi is a German political scientist who has studied China for nearly four decades.
He said he followed with great interest the fourth plenary session of the 20th CPC Central Committee, held in October. He viewed the meeting as an opportunity for China’s governance concepts, namely discipline, continuity, and self-reform, to be further reflected in the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30).
"China now undoubtedly serves as an anchor of stability in a fast-changing world," Adolphi told China Daily. "It reaps the benefits of nearly 50 years of steady modernization based on long-term planning and leadership. This consistency is rare in global politics today."
He added that the future of governance should not be framed as rivalry between systems, but as mutual learning.
"The future should be shared between all peoples," he said. "Rather than system competition, what the world needs is dialogue, exchange, and shared progress."
记者：张周项