期刊简介
《当代亚洲》（Journal of Contemporary Asia）是一份1970年起出版的学术期刊。该期刊每年出版4次，内容涵盖亚洲的经济、政治和社会发展。目前，期刊的主编为其创办人Peter Limqueco以及Kevin Hewison。据2020年的期刊引证报告，《当代亚洲》的影响因子为3.261。
本期目录
1
“这件胸衣比军队更能保护我”：缅甸之春革命中的身体与抗议
“This Bra Protects me Better than the Military”: Bodies and Protests in the Myanmar Spring Revolution
2
与革命 “共存”：缅甸 Z 世代革命者的日常经历
“Living With” Revolution: The Everyday Experiences of Myanmar’s Generation Z Revolutionaries
3
革命还是秩序？佛教对缅甸 2021 年军事政变的回应
Revolution or Order? Buddhist Responses to the 2021 Military Coup in Myanmar
4
士兵叛逃是缅甸的一种革命战略
Soldier Defection as a Revolutionary Strategy in Myanmar
5
缅甸的监狱与革命: 探究革命形势下的监狱抗议活动
The Prison and the Revolution in Myanmar: Exploring Prison Protests During a Revolutionary Situation
6
缅甸革命中的国际援助伙伴关系：团结还是自保与服从？
International Aid Partnerships Amidst Myanmar’s Revolution: Solidarity or Self-Preservation and Compliance?
7
陌生的伙伴还是值得信赖的同志？缅甸革命者之间的数字团结建设
Strange Bedfellows or Trusted Comrades? Digital Solidarity Building among Myanmar’s Revolutionaries
8
工具主义还是对社会正义的承诺？政变后缅甸民族间团结的变化
Instrumentalism or Commitment to Social Justice? Shifting Inter-Ethnic Solidarities in Post-Coup Myanmar
9
超越联邦制？“缅甸之春”革命中的包容、公民权和无领地少数民族
Beyond Federalism? Inclusion, Citizenship, and Minorities Without Territory in Myanmar’s Spring Revolution
内容摘要
“这件胸衣比军队更能保护我"：缅甸之春革命中的身体与抗议
题目：“This Bra Protects me Better than the Military”: Bodies and Protests in the Myanmar Spring Revolution
作者：Khin Khin Mra，曼彻斯特大学社会科学学院政治系研究生；Jenny Hedström，瑞典国防大学战争研究副教授。
摘要：本文通过关注作为抵抗和抗议工具的女性身体，探讨革命运动中的性别动态。在“缅甸之春”革命中，性别化的权力关系与军方权威相互交织，引起了女性的激进主义和军方的回应。为了保持权力，缅甸军方试图通过关注女性的身体、性和生殖潜能来规范女性的行为，平息抗议活动。作为回应，女性活动家们以富有想象力和超越性的方式动员起来，反对国家的控制和对女性身体的侵犯，利用她们的身体和性别化的艺术品来颠覆父权制和军方的规范。这一分析展示了妇女的身体如何在虚拟和实体领域既构成抗议的物质对象，又成为反抗的主体。该分析旨在挑战性别逻辑。这意味着在有关革命和抗议的研究中必须认真对待性别化的身体。妇女在缅甸革命运动中的作用不可或缺，但却历来被忽视，因此有必要采用具有性别意识的分析视角，以充分理解此类动乱的变革潜力和权力动态。
This article explores the gendered dynamics of revolutionary movements through a focus on women’s bodies as tools of resistance and protest. In the Myanmar Spring Revolution, gendered relations of power articulate with military authority to engender both women’s activism and military responses. To maintain power, the Myanmar military have sought to regulate women’s behavior – and quell the protest – through attention to women’s bodies, sexuality, and reproductive potential. In response, women activists have mobilised against both state control and the violation of women’s bodies in imaginative and transgressive ways, using their bodies as well as gendered artefacts to subvert patriarchal and military norms. This analysis shows how women’s bodies constitute both the material object of protest – in the virtual and physical spheres – and the subject of resistance, aiming to challenge gendered logics. It means that the gendered body must be taken seriously in studies on revolutions and protests. The integral yet historically overlooked role of women in Myanmar’s revolutionary movements necessitates a gender-conscious analytical lens to fully comprehend the transformative potential and the power dynamics of such upheavals.
与革命 “共存”：缅甸Z世代革命者的日常经历
题目：“Living With” Revolution: The Everyday Experiences of Myanmar’s Generation Z Revolutionaries
作者：Justine Chambers，丹麦哥本哈根丹麦国际研究所（DIIS）博士后研究员; Saw Ner Dhu Dab，泰国清迈独立研究员。
摘要：“缅甸之春”革命是围绕着人们常说的“Z世代”的行动和声音展开的。起初，这场革命以广泛且富有创意的抗议行动为开端，随后发展出强大的公民不服从运动，以及以人民防卫力量（PDF）为代表的武装抵抗。缅甸的年轻一代成功地动员了全国范围的革命，以反抗2021年发动军事政变的领导人。许多关于革命的文献将革命强调为一种断裂式的社会现象，并将革命事件作为分析的基本单位。而与这种研究路径不同，本文借鉴了人类学的相关辩论，主张理解年轻人如何体验和与革命共存。通过探讨克伦邦（Karen State）年轻革命者的经历，本文强调了从基层视角理解革命的重要性。
Myanmar’s Spring Revolution has been built around the actions and voices of what is often referred to as “Generation Z.” Beginning with widespread creative acts of protest, the growth of a powerful civil disobedience movement and violent resistance in the form of People’s Defence Forces, Myanmar’s younger generation have galvanised the country-wide revolution against the leaders of the 2021 military coup. Much of the literature theorising revolutions emphasises their rupture-like qualities and treats revolutionary events as the fundamental unit of analysis. Against this way of proceeding, building from anthropological debates this article makes a case for understanding how young people experience and live with revolution. Drawing on the experiences of young revolutionaries in Karen State, the article highlights the importance of understanding revolutions from below.
革命还是秩序？佛教对缅甸 2021 年军事政变的回应
题目：Revolution or Order? Buddhist Responses to the 2021 Military Coup in Myanmar
作者：Iselin Frydenlund，MF 挪威神学、宗教与社会学院宗教研究教授；Phyo Wai ，仰光 Mahavihara Dhamma-Vinaya 大学英语系副教授。
摘要：2021年2月1日，缅甸发生的军事政变结束了该国2011年至2021年的半文官统治时期，使国家再次回到军政府的直接统治之下。最近针对政变初期阶段的宗教反应的研究表明，大规模抗议活动呈现出全球互联网文化、跨宗教的团结以及对多元化和民主缅甸等新愿景的特点。人们常认为，佛教僧团（Sangha）保持沉默，且主要支持军方。通过文本分析、定性访谈和实地调研等多方法研究，本文探讨了佛教在为军方行动提供正当性以及对其进行抵抗方面可能出现的转变。本文提出，对佛教支持政变的理解不仅需采用工具主义框架，还应通过本文所称的佛教秩序意识形态（Buddhist Ideology of Order）来解读。与此相对，一场佛教革命运动出现了，该运动倡导包括对制度化佛教在内的激进社会变革。最后，研究数据表明，支持革命的活动不仅限于已知的寺院革命网络，还显示出僧团在缅甸之春革命中有着更广泛的参与，这一点往往被人们低估。
The military coup in Myanmar on February 1, 2021 ended a period of semi-civilian rule (2011–2021), bringing the country once again under direct military rule. Recent research into the religious responses to the coup in its early phases indicate that the mass protests were characterised by global internet culture, inter-religious solidarity, and new visions for a plural and democratic Myanmar. The Buddhist Sangha, it is often claimed, remained silent and mainly supportive of the military. Through a multi-method approach to textual analysis, qualitative interviews, and field work, this article seeks to analyse possible shifts in the ways that Buddhism has contributed to both justification of the military’s action and resistance to it. It is argued that Buddhist support for the coup must be understood not only within an instrumentalist framework, but also through what is referred to in this article as a Buddhist Ideology of Order. In opposition to this, a Buddhist revolutionary movement is identified. It envisions radical societal transformations, including of institutional Buddhism itself. Finally, the data show that pro-revolutionary activities go well beyond established monastic revolutionary networks, indicating broader Sangha engagements in the Myanmar Spring Revolution than has often been assumed.
士兵叛逃是缅甸的一种革命战略
题目：Soldier Defection as a Revolutionary Strategy in Myanmar
作者：Helene Maria Kyed，丹麦国际研究所高级研究员；Ah Lynn，独立研究员。
摘要：2021年2月1日，缅甸的军事政变引发了针对军政府统治的大规模民众起义，军方则以暴力镇压回应。政变不到一个月，就有士兵加入了公民不服从运动（CDM），与许多拒绝为军政府工作的公务员并肩抵抗。很快，针对军方的抵抗被称为“缅甸之春”革命，号召对缅甸的政治结构和安全力量进行彻底变革。随着时间推移，军方叛逃逐渐演变为一种“革命战略”。本文探讨了这一发展过程，以及在持续的革命形势下，叛逃者如何转变为“革命行动者”。分析基于参与公民不服从运动的士兵们的个人叙述和集体活动。通过运用转化叙事方法，本文追踪了士兵从对军方暴力的不满，到形成不服从运动士兵团体，再到实现个人转变的全过程。本文在现有关于民众起义期间军方叛逃的研究基础上进一步表明，叛逃不仅影响革命的结果，还塑造了革命思想和实践，对革命形势的发展具有深远意义。
The military coup in Myanmar on February 1, 2021 unleashed massive popular uprising against military rule, which was met with heavy handed military violence. Less than a month after the coup the first soldiers joined the civil disobedience movement (CDM) along with many civil servants who refused to work under the military. The resistance to the military was soon named the Spring Revolution, with calls for pervasive transformation of Myanmar’s political structures and security forces. Military defections gradually developed into a “revolutionary strategy.” This article explores how this development evolved and how defectors were transformed into “revolutionary actors” during the ongoing revolutionary situation. The analysis is based on the personal narratives and collective activities of those soldiers who became active in the CDM. Applying a conversion narrative approach, the article traces the processes of defection from individual disaffection with military violence to the formation of CDM soldier groups and the personal transformation of soldiers. Adding to existing literature on military defections during popular uprisings against authoritarian regimes, the article demonstrates that defection holds significance not only for the outcomes of revolutions, but also for the shaping of revolutionary ideas and practices during revolutionary situations.
缅甸的监狱与革命: 探究革命形势下的监狱抗议活动
题目：The Prison and the Revolution in Myanmar: Exploring Prison Protests During a Revolutionary Situation
作者：Tomas Martin，丹麦禁止酷刑研究所研究员；Andrew M. Jefferson，丹麦禁止酷刑研究所研究员。
摘要：监狱抗议在革命中扮演着什么样的角色？本文探讨了自军事政变以来发生的监狱抗议，认为这些抗议是正在展开的革命形势中不可或缺且具有启发性的组成部分。分析聚焦于在激烈且充满暴力的政治斗争时刻，这类抗议的特征和重要性。文章记录并将这些抗议置于特定情境中，并结合关于监狱与革命以及监狱与抗议的学术文献，阐述了它们在当代的意义。本文揭示了当代监狱如何成为一条革命战线，其特征包括囚犯身体的行动力和脆弱性，集体行动与个人行动及其后果之间的相互联系，以及监狱内外事件的相互影响。当今的监狱抗议与过去的抗议有着深刻的共性。这些抗议有时是对更大规模斗争的刻意介入，有时是对非人道监禁条件所引发的日常且直接的反抗。无论监狱抗议的形式、模式、动因和触发因素如何，政府最常见的回应是暴力镇压，并且往往带来致命后果。
What role do prison protests play in revolutions? This article examines the prison protests that have occurred since the military coup, situating them as integral and instructive elements of an unfolding revolutionary situation. The analysis explores the character and significance of such protests at a moment of fierce and violent political contestation. It documents and contextualises them and develops an argument about their contemporary significance informed by the academic literature on prisons and revolution and prisons and protest. The article shows how the prison today is a revolutionary battlefront characterised by the activation and vulnerability of prisoners’ bodies, the interrelation between collective and individual actions and consequences, and the connection between events outside and inside the prison. Today’s protests resonate evocatively with those of the past. They are sometimes a deliberate intervention in bigger struggles and sometimes a response to the everyday and immediate provocation of inhumane conditions. Whatever the range of forms, patterns, drivers, and triggers of prison protests, the most common response from the authorities is violence, often with deadly effects.
缅甸革命中的国际援助伙伴关系：团结还是自保与服从？
题目：International Aid Partnerships Amidst Myanmar’s Revolution: Solidarity or Self-Preservation and Compliance?
作者：Tamas Wells，墨尔本大学社会与政治科学学院研究协调员；Pyae Phyo Maung ，墨尔本大学社会与政治科学学院博士生。
摘要：随着2021年缅甸政变及其引发的革命对整个国家产生深远影响，国际援助机构也经历了一场剧烈的动荡。在新形势下调整项目方向的同时，国际机构面临来自许多缅甸人道主义和倡导组织的批评。通过对2022年进行的采访，本文认为，在提供援助时，援助方式——与特定情境下的互惠惯例相关——在构建伙伴关系的意义上具有重要作用。结合缅甸研究的文献，本文主张，缅甸组织领导人对互惠关系的期望受到了广为人知的重叠价值观的影响，包括sedana（善意）、parahita（慈善）和metta（慈爱）。在革命背景下，这些价值观影响着他们与国际援助机构之间的关系。这种对援助伙伴关系的理解，常常超越正式领域内以项目组织和合同关系为特征的框架，而带有道德层面的考量。在缅甸，对国际援助的批评并非新鲜事，但革命使本地组织所面临的风险加剧，也暴露了它们与国际伙伴关系中的新裂痕。在国家革命的背景下，跨国支持至关重要，许多缅甸组织领导人寻求与国际机构建立团结互助的关系。然而，关于伙伴关系中互惠的不同理解，持续引发着挫折感和不满。
Along with its broader impact in the country, Myanmar’s 2021 coup and subsequent revolution have brought an upheaval amongst international aid agencies. As they have pivoted their programmes in the new context, international agencies have faced criticism from many Myanmar humanitarian and advocacy organisations. Drawing on interviews from 2022, this article argues that the way in which aid is given – in relation to context-specific conventions of reciprocity – is significant in creating meaning in partnerships. Engaging with Myanmar studies literature, the article contends that well-known overlapping values of sedana (goodwill), parahita (charity), and metta (loving kindness) inform Myanmar organisation leaders’ expectations of reciprocity in their relationship with international aid agencies in the context of Myanmar’s revolution. There is often a moral overlay on interpretations of aid partnerships, beyond the project-organised and contractual relationship that characterises the formal realm. Criticism of international aid is not new in Myanmar, yet the revolution has increased the stakes for local organisations and exposed new fractures in their relationships with their international partners. Transnational support is crucial amid the country’s revolution and many Myanmar organisation leaders seek relationships of solidarity with international agencies, yet diverging assumptions about reciprocity in partnerships fuel ongoing frustration.
陌生的伙伴还是值得信赖的同志？缅甸革命者之间的数字团结建设
题目：Strange Bedfellows or Trusted Comrades? Digital Solidarity Building among Myanmar’s Revolutionaries
作者：Megan Ryan，密歇根大学政治学博士生；Mai Van Tran，布鲁塞尔管理学院数字化、民主与创新中心MSCA 博士后研究员；Swan Ye Htut，斯坦福大学社会学博士生。
摘要：当缅甸民众目睹其民选政府在2021年初被非法军事政变推翻时，他们感受到的震惊和愤怒引发了缅甸政治上的一场革命性断裂。曾在罗兴亚穆斯林（Rohingya Muslim）危机中保持沉默的缅甸佛教精英为未能为罗兴亚受害者伸张正义而道歉；这场政变为联邦民主的构建带来了新的生机和可能性；年轻的学生和罢工领导者敢于挑战精英阶层的统治。然而，对于这种共同反抗军事独裁的斗争是否能在缅甸传统分裂的族群间构建广泛的团结，外界所知甚少。由于缅甸各地的革命群体广泛利用社交媒体来动员抵抗，研究这些群体的在线互动可以为这一问题提供关键见解。本文通过分析政变后一年内，缅甸最受欢迎的三个抵抗Facebook群组中，缅族和非缅族社群的对话，发现了一个建立跨族群团结的两步过程，这一过程由功利性利益和自发的共情共同驱动。研究结果加深了对多元反独裁力量间团结构建的理解，揭示了后政变时期缅甸革命动态，并阐明了社交媒体在培养跨族群共情方面的作用。
The shock and anger felt by the Myanmar public as they witnessed their democratically elected government deposed in an illegal military coup in early 2021 has led to a revolutionary break in Burmese politics. The Bamar Buddhist political elites, formerly silent on the Rohingya Muslim crisis, apologised for failing to administer justice for the Rohingya victims; the coup breathed new life and possibilities into the formation of a federal democracy; and young students and strike leaders dared to challenge the dominance of the elites. However, little is known about whether this struggling together against military dictatorship might enable a broad-based development of solidarity among Myanmar’s traditionally divided ethnic communities. Since many revolutionary communities across Myanmar took to social media to mobilise resistance, studying these groups’ online interactions can provide critical insights to this question. By analysing conversations over the year following the coup on three of the most popular resistance Facebook groups from Bamar and non-Bamar communities, this article finds a two-step process of inter-ethnic solidarity building, driven by both instrumentalist interest and organic empathy. The findings deepen understanding on solidarity building among diverse anti-dictatorship forces, revolution dynamics in post-coup Myanmar, and the role of social media on forging inter-communal empathy.
工具主义还是对社会正义的承诺？政变后缅甸民族间团结的变化
题目：Instrumentalism or Commitment to Social Justice? Shifting Inter-Ethnic Solidarities in Post-Coup Myanmar
作者：Cecile Medail，丹麦哥本哈根大学北欧亚洲研究所和政治学系博士后研究员；Saw Chit Thet Tun，独立研究员。
摘要：缅甸的冲突根源之一在于缅族主体的制度化主导地位，以及其他少数民族被排除在缅族所构建的国家认同之外。然而，2021年的军事政变凸显了缅族与其他民族力量联合对抗军方的必要性。本文借鉴格雷伯（Graeber）关于革命作为打破“不平等的想象性认同结构”的概念，以及沃尔顿（Walton）对缅族特权与白人特权相似性的思考，探讨了族群间动态的变化。自政变以来，缅族主体对其他少数民族所展现的新型跨族群团结形式，如何挑战了不平等的特权结构？通过对缅族革命领导人声明的文本分析，以及对十个少数民族社群成员的半结构式访谈，本文探讨了少数民族对缅族精英和普通缅族民众态度转变的反应。研究结果表明，缅甸持续的革命形势促使缅族主体反思自身的特权。然而，不同的缅族社会政治群体对少数民族的团结表现质量各异，从功利性的联盟到共同追求社会正义的愿景都有所体现。本文结论认为，尽管跨族群团结建设仍在进行中，但在族群解放和阶级解放方面已经迈出了积极的一步。
The Bamar majority’s institutionalised dominance and the exclusion of other ethnic groups from the Bamar’s notion of national identity has been a cause of conflict in Myanmar. The 2021 coup has, however, underscored the need for co-operation between Bamar and ethnic forces against the military. Drawing on Graeber’s conceptualisation of revolutions as opportunities to disrupt “unequal structures of imaginative identification” and Walton’s consideration of Burman privilege akin to Whiteness, this article examines shifts in inter-ethnic dynamics. How have new forms of inter-ethnic solidarity demonstrated by the Bamar majority towards other ethnic groups challenged unequal structures of privilege since the coup? Through textual analysis of statements by Bamar revolutionary leaders and semi-structured interviews with members of ten ethnic communities, the article explores ethnic reactions to changing attitudes of Bamar elites and ordinary Bamar citizens. Findings suggest that Myanmar’s ongoing revolutionary situation has prompted the Bamar majority to reflect on their privilege. Yet, the quality of Bamar solidarity towards ethnic minorities varies among different Bamar socio-political groups, ranging from instrumental alliances to a shared vision for social justice. The article concludes that although inter-ethnic solidarity building remains a work in progress, some positive steps towards ethnic and class emancipation have been made.
超越联邦制？“缅甸之春”革命中的包容、公民权和无领地少数民族
题目：Beyond Federalism? Inclusion, Citizenship, and Minorities Without Territory in Myanmar’s Spring Revolution
作者：Aung Ko Ko，缅甸 Mosaic 创始执行主任；Elizabeth L. Rhoads，隆德大学东亚和东南亚研究中心高级讲师；Nan Tinilarwin，独立研究员；Win Bo Aung，瑞典乌普萨拉大学和平与冲突研究部实习生；Yoon Thiri Khaing，缅甸 Mosaic项目负责人。
摘要：缅甸的非官方少数群体包括多种宗教和民族群体，这些群体被排除在缅甸官方承认的135个“国家民族”之外。他们因公民身份地位、社会偏见和根深蒂固的少数族群歧视而遭受排斥。然而，缅甸关于政治、联邦制和权力分享的辩论，主要集中在官方承认的少数民族与缅族主体之间的关系。缅甸之春革命为“重新思考联邦制”提供了契机，表明超越历史上根深蒂固的统一或民族联邦二元框架的可能性浮出水面。了解非官方少数群体如何面临歧视和被剥夺权利，以及如何实现包容，不仅对构想成功的缅甸之春革命后的新政治体系至关重要，也对拓展革命进程至关重要。然而，关于少数群体和多样性的讨论，依然围绕着政变前的民族主义联邦制模式，作为革命后权力分享的安排。在少数民族权利与少数民族占主导地位的地区的自治权挂钩的情况下，无领地的少数民族如何才能有意义地参与或从革命中获益？如何确保约占缅甸10%人口的非官方少数群体得到承认？“重新思考联邦制”强调了在缅甸之春革命中领土、公民权和归属感之间的关系。
Myanmar’s unofficial minorities encompass diverse religious and ethnic groups excluded from Myanmar’s list of 135 officially recognised “national races.” They face exclusion due to their citizenship status as well as societal prejudices and entrenched discrimination against minority communities. Yet, debates over politics, federalism, and power-sharing in Myanmar primarily concern the relationship between the officially recognised ethnic minorities and the majority Bamar population. The Spring Revolution has opened the door to “rethink federalism,” suggesting that moving beyond historically entrenched binaries of unity or ethnonational federalism may be on the table. Understanding how unofficial minorities face discrimination and disenfranchisement as well as inclusion, is imperative in not only imagining a new political system following a successful Spring Revolution, but in expanding the revolutionary process. Yet, discussions related to minorities and diversity have centred on the pre-coup model of ethno-nationalist federalism as a post-revolution power-sharing arrangement. With minority rights tied to increased autonomy for minority-dominated territories, how do minorities without territory meaningfully participate in or benefit from the revolution? How can the recognition of Myanmar’s unofficial minorities – an estimated 10% of the population – be ensured? “Rethinking federalism” highlights relationships between territory, citizenship, and belonging in the Spring Revolution.
译者：王诗涵，国政学人编译员，香港大学国际政治专业，研究兴趣为国际政治经济。
审校 | 张潇文