【新刊速递】《欧亚研究》(EAS), Vol. 76, No. 9, 2024 | 国政学人

期刊简介



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《欧亚研究》(Europe-Asia Studies)为每年出刊10期的学术期刊,由Routledge代表格拉斯格大学中东欧研究部门(University of Glasgow)出版。主要关注前苏联地区国家的政治、经济、社会议题及其20世纪的历史。


本期目录

1

解读中欧和东欧新自由主义的本土起源:以立陶宛为例

Deciphering the Local Origins of Neoliberalism in Central and Eastern Europe: The Example of Lithuania

2

酷儿联盟?波兰司法危机与波兰法院面前的LGBTQ+权利

Queer Coalition? The Crisis of Justice in Poland and LGBTQ+ Rights Before the Polish Courts

3

匈牙利地方政府拨款中的拨款计划和分肥政治

Grant Schemes and Pork-Barrel Politics in Local Government Funding in Hungary

4

(不)流动的政治:疫情对乌克兰东部“接触线”移动的影响

The Politics of (Im)mobility: The Effects of the Pandemic on Movement Across the ‘Contact Line’ in Eastern Ukraine

5

俄罗斯地区的民族保护主义:民族认同与自然保护

Ethnic Environmentalism in the Russian Regions: National Identity and Nature Protection

6

超越任人唯亲:俄罗斯单一城镇大公司的地方治理和福利提供

Beyond Cronyism: Local Governance and Welfare Provision by Large Companies in Russian Monotowns

7

重调比例、重构框架、重设目标:外国资金退出后俄罗斯残疾人组织的国外经验

Re-Proportioning, Re-Framing, Re-Purposing: Foreign Experience in Russian Disability Organising After the Retreat of Foreign Funding


内容摘要


解读中欧和东欧新自由主义的本土起源:以立陶宛为例

题目: Deciphering the Local Origins of Neoliberalism in Central and Eastern Europe: The Example of Lithuania

作者:Jokubas Salyga,德克萨斯大学大河谷分校助理教授

摘要:本文研究了立陶宛新自由主义的当地谱系,考察了其知识渊源、早期支持者和促进其崛起的结构性转变。后者归因于改革创造的开放以及将立陶宛改革运动内部的经济学家、移民知识分子和密歇根州希尔斯代尔学院联系起来的通信网络的发展。在1991年之前,在这个网络中产生的信息交换产生了新自由主义思想的萌芽。该网络还为建立有影响力的智库立陶宛自由市场研究所 (LFMI) 做出了贡献,该研究所的政策影响力体现在对货币和养老金私有化改革的调查。


This article studies the local lineage of neoliberalism in Lithuania, examining its intellectual pedigree, early proponents and the structural shifts that facilitated its rise. The latter are attributed to the openings created by perestroika and the development of the communication network linking economists within the Reform Movement of Lithuania, émigré intellectuals and Hillsdale College in Michigan. Information exchanges produced within this network generated embryonic neoliberal ideas before 1991. The network also contributed to the establishment of an influential think tank, the Lithuanian Free Market Institute (LFMI), whose policy influence is illustrated by surveying monetary and pension privatisation reforms.


酷儿联盟?波兰司法危机与波兰法院面前的LGBTQ+权利

题目: Queer Coalition? The Crisis of Justice in Poland and LGBTQ+ Rights Before the Polish Courts

作者:Agnieszka Kubal,牛津大学社会法律研究中心副教授

摘要:在威权主义倒退的波兰,法官所面临的政治压力是否影响了他们对其他边缘群体的态度?本文通过一个特定的案例研究来解决这个问题:LGBTQ+人群的权利。虽然尚未发现明确的团结模式,但作者使用了“酷儿联盟”这个术语。该术语最初是由亚历山大·康达科夫提出,用以解释专制倒退而注入现有关系的新复杂性。通过对人权律师、活动家和法官的采访,本文进一步阐述了康达科夫的分析框架,强调了酷儿联盟的不稳定动态和议题特殊性。


Did the political pressures judges found themselves under in Poland under authoritarian backsliding influence their attitudes towards other marginalised groups? I address this question with reference to a particular case study: the rights of the LGBTQ+ population. While no clear pattern of solidarity can be detected, I make use of the term ‘queer coalition’, originally developed by Alexander Kondakov to account for the new complexities injected into the existing relationship by the authoritarian backsliding. Drawing on interviews with human rights lawyers, activists and judges, I further elaborate on Kondakov’s analytical framing highlighting the volatile dynamics and issue-specificity of queer coalitions.


匈牙利地方政府拨款中的拨款计划和分肥政治

题目: Grant Schemes and Pork-Barrel Politics in Local Government Funding in Hungary

作者:Tamás Vasvári,帕斯卡大学经济与商业学院经济研究卓越中心研究员

摘要:本文调查了2015年至2018年匈牙利地方政府在中央财政上的政治偏袒程度。通过对各种转移支付以及市长和国会议员(MP)在拨款中所扮演角色的调查,本文描绘出了拨款计划与分肥的关系。在自由裁量的政府间转移支付方面,核心支持者的回报是显而易见的,而政治结盟影响着欧盟资金的分配;因此,这些构成了与地方领导人承认和分享荣誉的主要机制。当拨款计划要求市政当局提交拨款申请时,反对派的地方政府获得的拨款会减少。


The article investigates the extent of political favouritism in the central financing of local governments in Hungary between 2015 and 2018. An investigation of various transfers and the role of both mayor and member of parliament (MP) in the granting of funds enabled me to map how grant schemes relate to pork-barrelling. The rewarding of core supporters is observable with regard to discretionary intergovernmental transfers, while the political alignment affects the distribution of EU funds; thus, these constitute the primary mechanisms for acknowledging and sharing credit with local leaders. When a grant scheme requires municipalities to file an application for funding, local governments in opposition receive fewer grants.


(不)流动的政治:疫情对乌克兰东部“接触线”移动的影响

题目: The Politics of (Im)mobility: The Effects of the Pandemic on Movement Across the ‘Contact Line’ in Eastern Ukraine

作者:Oleksandra Tarkhanova,圣加仑大学欧洲治理与文化研究中心研究助理

摘要:2020年3月,所谓的顿涅茨克和卢甘斯克人民共和国与乌克兰其他地区之间的“接触线”被封锁。越过这条事实上的边界是非政府控制领土的居民获得其公民权利的先决条件和障碍。本文探讨了在新冠疫情的第一年,跨“接触线”的流动如何受到限制和重新配置,以及这如何影响该地区的国家-公民关系。该研究揭示了遏制和减轻病毒传播的政策如何成为在国家边缘建立和维持权威的工具。


In March 2020, the ‘contact line’ between the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics and the rest of Ukraine was sealed off. Crossing this de facto border was a precondition and an obstacle for residents of the non-government-controlled territories to access their citizenship entitlements. This article explores how movement across the ‘contact line’ was restricted and reconfigured during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic and how this affected state–citizen relations in the region. The study reveals how the policy to contain and mitigate the spread of the virus became a tool in establishing and maintaining authority along the state margins.


俄罗斯地区的民族环保主义:民族认同与自然保护

题目: Ethnic Environmentalism in the Russian Regions: National Identity and Nature Protection

作者:Svetlana Tulaeva,东芬兰大学地理与历史研究系博士后研究员;Laura A. Henry,鲍登学院政府与法律研究系教授;Yaroslav Snarski,独立学者

摘要:公众对环境问题意识的增强和多元身份认同的强化可能导致“民族环保主义”的出现。这些运动提出的环境要求与一个民族社区的利益有关。通过研究俄罗斯地区的抗议活动,我们发展了这一概念。研究结果表明,在以下条件下,民族认同有利于环境行动主义:族群主张与自然环境的特殊文化关系;环境问题和种族特性与资源的不公平分配有关;而且责任指向地区行为者,而不是联邦政府。


Increased public awareness of environmental problems and the strengthening of diverse identities may lead to the emergence of ‘ethnic environmentalism’. These movements make environmental claims associated with the interests of an ethnic community. We develop this concept by examining protests in the Russian regions. Our findings suggest that ethnic identity facilitates environmental activism under the following conditions: the ethnic group claims a special cultural relationship to the natural environment; environmental concern and ethnic identity are linked to the unfair distribution of resources; and blame is directed towards regional actors rather than the federal government.


超越任人唯亲:俄罗斯单一城镇大公司的地方治理和福利提供

题目: Beyond Cronyism: Local Governance and Welfare Provision by Large Companies in Russian Monotowns

作者:Stanislav Klimovich,波茨坦大学斯拉夫研究所研究助理;Katharina Bluhm,柏林自由大学东欧研究所所长

摘要:21世纪头十年,俄罗斯当局没有在放弃和重组之间做出选择,而是选择维持单一城市的社会经济现状,这是普京政权的重要支持来源。然而,这种现状并不是一种既定的平衡;特别是在区域和地方预算的严重财政限制情况下,它需要通过国家和商业行为者之间不断的合作来维护。这个单一的案例研究探讨了地方当局和大公司如何以及为什么在单一城市合作,在垂直压力和水平激励的交汇处提供公共产品。本文表明,公共产品是通过公共和私人行为者之间的网络式合作中的资源池来生产的。


In the 2000s, rather than choosing between abandonment and restructuring, Russian authorities opted to maintain the socio-economic status quo in monotowns, an important source of support for the Putin regime. Yet, this status quo is not a given equilibrium; it needs constant maintenance through cooperation between state and business actors, especially under the severe financial constraints of regional and local budgets. This single case study explores how and why local authorities and large companies cooperate in monotowns to provide public goods at the nexus of vertical pressures and horizontal incentives. We show that public goods are produced through resource pooling in a network-like cooperation between public and private actors.


重调比例、重构框架、重设目标:外国资金退出后俄罗斯残疾人组织的国外经验

题目: Re-Proportioning, Re-Framing, Re-Purposing: Foreign Experience in Russian Disability Organising After the Retreat of Foreign Funding

作者:Philippa Mullins,荷语鲁汶大学社会学研究中心助理研究员

摘要:俄罗斯公民社会经历了外国资金和非政府组织的撤退。然而,虽然外国的正式组织离开了,但俄罗斯个人依然存在。探索这些个体的路径显示了他们如何适应不断变化的组织环境。国外经验被认为是形成性的;它继续为行动提供信息,并进入新的领域。然而,一些行为体认为公开宣传外国关系和经验会增加风险,并可能否认或掩盖这些经验。当外国经验与政治威胁联系在一起时,行动者会采取明显的去政治化策略作为回应。因此,调查外国经验是如何被模糊的,为研究谁或什么被视为归属感的政治问题提供了一条研究途径。


Russian civil society has experienced a retreat of foreign funding and NGOs. However, where foreign, formal organisations leave, Russian individuals remain. Exploring the pathways of these individuals shows how they navigate a shifting organising environment. Foreign experience is recognised as formational; it continues to inform action and moves into new spheres. However, some actors perceive overt publicisation of foreign connections and experience as heightening risk, and may disavow or obscure these experiences. Where foreign experience is associated with political threat, actors respond with strategies of apparent depoliticisation. Investigating how foreign experience is obscured thus provides a route into examining the political question of who, or what, is perceived as belonging.


编译 | 任雨欣

审校 | 张潇文